Children and adolescents from disadvantaged families face greater vulnerability in terms of material and social deprivation. Recent official data reveal that 20.7% of children and young people in Portugal are at risk of poverty and social exclusion (INE, 2024). 

Beyond objective living conditions, the research evidences that the way in which people perceive their own socioeconomic status may have an even more significant impact on their physical and mental health than objective indicators, such as academic performance, educational level, and occupation (Singh-Manoux et al., 2005). Perceived position in the social hierarchy can influence feelings of belonging, self-esteem, and expectations, reflecting dynamics of comparison and social recognition that objective indicators do not fully capture (Kraus & Stephens, 2012). Thus, experiences of deprivation are shaped by context and social norms, cutting across different socioeconomic strata. Such comparisons and perceptions occur daily, particularly during childhood and adolescence, when contextual and symbolic cues related to appearance, consumer goods, and social habits gain importance (Mistry et al., 2021). These socioeconomic stratifications are associated with prejudiced attitudes and discriminatory behaviours aimed at people whose appearance and habits are perceived as reflections of a lower socioeconomic status. Although scientific evidence on the effects of discrimination based on socioeconomic status during childhood and adolescence is scarce, it is known that other forms of social discrimination, such as gender or racial discrimination, have highly negative consequences on their mental health, self-esteem, social skills, and academic performance (Benner et al., 2018).

The current study analyses the perception of socioeconomic status and feelings of socioeconomic discrimination in Portuguese schools, and their association with the well-being and academic and professional aspirations of children and adolescents. It also seeks to understand their beliefs and attitudes towards people living in poverty. 

The sample comprised 2,580 children and adolescents aged 10-15 years (M = 12.6), residing in Portugal, with girls representing 48.6% of participants, and was selected to ensure national representativeness. The data were collected at 40 schools, distributed proportionally across seven level-2 statistical regions as defined by Eurostat (NUTS 2 regions): public (state-funded) schools (74.6%), public schools in Priority Intervention Educational Areas (TEIP, 15.3%) and private schools (10.1%). The data, collected between February and December 2024 via an online survey conducted in schools, with the presence of a specialised interviewer, were weighted according to type of school, NUTS 2 region, and age, in order to guarantee maximum representativeness. The questionnaire consisted of various instruments and was applied to pupils selected at random from year 5 to year 9, following informed consent from parents or guardians.

The participants were asked about their perception of their own socioeconomic status via seven questions with a series of images, from which they had to choose the one that best reflected their life in terms of quantity of food, toys, or money, on a scale from 1 (few resources) to 7 (many resources). On average, they positioned themselves as having an intermediate socioeconomic level (M = 5.44), which was revealed to be positively associated with the level of education in the household. This positioning was higher among private education pupils (M = 5.65) than among public education pupils (M = 5.42) and TIEP-public education pupils (M = 5.39).

Also assessed were their feelings of relative deprivation – i.e., the way in which participants compare themselves with their peers – via five statements (e.g., “I feel sad because my classmates go on better holidays than I do”, responding on a scale from 1 (not at all like me) to 7 (exactly like me), where higher values indicated a more pronounced perception of disadvantage. Overall, the perception of deprivation was relatively low (M = 1.80) and without significant differences between public education pupils (M = 1.80), TEIP-public education pupils (M = 1.71), and private education pupils (M = 1.89). However, close to 10% reported higher levels of relative deprivation, in this case above the midpoint on the scale. 

In summary, private education pupils tend to perceive themselves as having a higher position in the social hierarchy, although the perception of relative deprivation was similar across all school contexts.

Participants were asked about the frequency with which they felt unfairly treated at school due to socioeconomic factors (e.g., the house where they live, reduced-price meals, lack of access to items considered fashionable, etc.). The value reflected by the degree of personal discrimination perceived varies between 0 and 11, and is the result of the sum of the responses to the different questions, with higher values indicating greater personal discrimination perceived due to socioeconomic reasons. 

The average perception of discrimination was relatively low (M = 2.07). Analysis of the answers provides evidence that, although 46% of participants report no experiences of discrimination due to socioeconomic reasons, 42% indicate having experienced low to moderate levels, and 12% report high levels, revealing the existence of a subgroup that is particularly affected. These results suggest that, despite the majority of pupils not reporting situations of discrimination or indicating that they are infrequent, for approximately one in every ten children these experiences are very much prevalent, with possible negative consequences for their well-being and social integration.

As for the reasons associated with perceived discrimination, the most frequently reported were related to their way of speaking (54%), clothing (51%), and lack of items considered fashionable (48%). 

Participants who perceive themselves as having a lower socioeconomic status reported higher levels of socioeconomic discrimination (M = 4.10) compared with those who perceive themselves as having an intermediate (M = 2.54) or high (M = 1.60) socioeconomic status. They also reported lower levels of well-being (M = 3.38) compared with participants who perceive themselves as having an intermediate status (M = 3.68) and, in particular, with those who consider themselves as having a high socioeconomic status (M = 3.96). These differences in well-being, assessed through questions about how participants had been feeling over the previous week (e.g., energetic, sad, etc.) across different contexts (at school, with friends, at home, etc.), reflect the psychological impact associated with socioeconomic disadvantage.

Finally, the results reveal differences in aspirations, assessed using eight questions about optimism regarding the future, goal setting, and commitment to achieving long-term success, with higher values indicating greater confidence and more favourable expectations. Specifically, participants who perceive themselves as having a lower socioeconomic status report lower expectations regarding their academic and professional future (M = 3.42) compared with those in a position perceived as more intermediate (M = 3.84) or high (M = 4.17). 

Furthermore, the results indicate a sequential relationship between these dimensions: participants who consider themselves as having a lower socioeconomic status feel more discriminated against, which contributes to lower levels of well-being and, consequently, limits their aspirations. These processes appear to be interconnected, as experiences of discrimination and reduced well-being associated with lower perceived social status contribute to lower expectations, as shown in the figure below. 

Socioeconomic discrimination is a reality in schools. Despite the results indicating a low prevalence of perceived personal discrimination, participants reported observing this type of discrimination at moderate levels (M = 4.39) in their school. Differences between pupils in private schools (M = 4.04) and those in public (state-funded) schools (M = 4.43) were marginal, suggesting that experiences of discrimination do not depend on the type of school but are common across different educational contexts. When educational cycles are compared, pupils in the 3rd cycle (M = 4.68) report observing this type of discrimination to a greater extent among classmates than those in the 2nd cycle (M = 3.90). 

As discussed in the following section, in addition to analysing perceived socioeconomic status and discrimination, the study also examined how pupils view poverty more broadly, by assessing explicit and implicit attitudes that may influence social inclusion and prejudice reduction.

Two types of attitudes towards people living in poverty were analysed: explicit and implicit attitudes. Explicit attitudes were assessed by measuring the degree of agreement with positive and negative statements (e.g., “I am concerned about poor people”, or “Poor people make me feel uncomfortable”) on a scale from 1 to 5, with higher values indicating more positive attitudes. Implicit attitudes refer to automatic and unconscious associations and were assessed using the Implicit Association Test (IAT), in which participants classified different blocks of words and images while reaction times were measured. In this type of measure, responses cannot be consciously regulated and are therefore less influenced by social desirability bias. Values range from ‒2 and +2 , with positive values reflecting positive attitudes towards poor people, and vice versa. 

Explicit attitudes are generally quite positive (M = 4.05), whereas implicit attitudes are negative (M = ‒0.44). Results also show  that pupils in private schools report more negative attitudes towards people living in poverty. This finding suggests that, despite explicitly declared positive attitudes, unconscious and concealed prejudices may persist. The more participants perceive themselves as occupying higher social positions, the more positive their explicitly reported attitudes towards people living in poverty. However, the opposite pattern emerges in the implicit assessment: those who perceive themselves as occupying higher social positions are also those who most strongly and automatically associate people living in poverty with negative attributes. 

This study assessed how children and adolescents living in Portugal perceive their social position and how these perceptions relate to their experiences of socioeconomic discrimination, well-being, academic and professional aspirations, and attitudes towards people living in poverty. 

The results indicate that participants perceive themselves as having an intermediate socioeconomic status, a perception that is more pronounced among pupils in private education. Perceived relative deprivation was overall low and similar across school contexts, although close to 10% of participants reported high levels of deprivation. This group may represent a particularly vulnerable segment of the school population, with an increased risk of social and school exclusion. Although the majority of participants reported little or no personal experience of discrimination, over 10% reported significant levels of socioeconomic discrimination. The observation of this type of behaviour is frequent, particularly among pupils in the 3rd cycle, indicating that inequality is socially recognised and observable within the school context, even when it is not reported as being directly experienced. These findings further suggest that processes of socialisation and other developmental factors are contributing to a more unequal and hierarchical structuring of social positions.

The results of this study suggest that schools play a key role in recognising socioeconomic inequalities. Acting proactively to address them is essential to prevent the socialisation of discriminatory attitudes and behaviours and to protect the well-being of all pupils and their legitimate aspirations. Promoting inclusive environments and relationships of mutual respect is essential for preventing discriminatory experiences from perpetuating the social and emotional vulnerabilities of children and adolescents. To this end, it is essential to strengthen awareness across the entire educational community (pupils, teachers, support staff, and families) of inequalities and their subtle manifestations in everyday school life, encouraging reflection on issues such as socioeconomic status, merit, and privilege. Therefore, these findings reinforce the need to develop educational policies that address inequalities from an early age, ensuring equitable opportunities for well-being and success for all children and adolescents.

This study makes a relevant contribution to the literature on the consequences of children’s and adolescents’ perceptions of their socioeconomic status. However, several limitations should be acknowledged. 

As the study was conducted at a single point in time, it allows for the identification of associations between variables but does not permit causal inferences. Future research should adopt longitudinal or experimental designs to help clarify the direction of these relationships. 

A further limitation concerns the absence of objective measures of socioeconomic status beyond parental educational level. This limitation makes it difficult to assess the degree of convergence between pupils’ subjective perceptions of socioeconomic status and their objective socioeconomic position. 

It is also possible that the length of the questionnaire and the complexity of some items affected participants’ attention and comprehension, particularly among younger children, potentially influencing the quality of their responses. 

The school context may also have influenced participants’ perceptions and experiences, given the central role of school climate, disciplinary policies, and relationships with teachers and classmates in shaping these perceptions and evaluations. 

Nevertheless, the results provide important insights into how socioeconomic factors can shape the experiences of children and adolescents, as well as their well-being and academic and professional aspirations. Thus, this study highlights the role of schools ‒ and of society as a whole ‒ in fostering positive and inclusive perspectives towards all individuals, regardless of their social and economic conditions.

We would like to thank the children and adolescents who participated in this study, as well as their parents or guardians, teachers, and the teams at the schools involved, for their availability, collaboration, and indispensable contribution to this research.

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​​​​​​​INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE ESTATÍSTICA (2024): Proporção da população residente em risco de pobreza ou exclusão social (Europa 2030) (%) por sexo e grupo etário. Disponível em: https://www.ine.pt/xportal/xmain?xpid=INE&xpgid=ine_indicadores&indOcorrCod=0012987&contexto=bd&selTab=tab2. Consultado 09.10.2025. 

KRAUS, M. W.; N. M. STEPHENS (2012): «A Road Map for an Emerging Psychology of Social Class», Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 6(9), 642‒656. 

MISTRY, R. S.; L. ELENBAAS; K. M. GRIFFIN; L. NENADAL; A. YASSINE (2021): «Advancing developmental intergroup perspectives on social class», Child Development Perspectives, 15(4), 213‒219. 

SINGH-MANOUX, A.; M. G. MARMOT; N. E. ADLER (2005): «Does subjective social status predict health and change in health status better than objective status?», Psychosomatic Medicine, 67(6), 855‒861. 
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